Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election of a

citizen, to administer the executive government of the United

States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived,

when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who

is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me

proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct

expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you

of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered

among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

. . .

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well

as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination

incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am

persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services,

that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will

not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust,

were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this

trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions,

contributed toward the organization and administration of the

Government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgement

was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority

of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still

more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to

diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of

years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement

is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that

if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services,

they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that

while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political

scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

. . .

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your

welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension

of danger, natural to that solicitude urge me on an occasion

like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to

recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are

the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation,

and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your

felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more

freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings

of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive

as his counsel.

. . .

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your

hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or

confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also

now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the

edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility

at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity;

of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy

to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters,

much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in

your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in

your political fortress against which the batteries of internal

and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though

often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite

moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of

your national Union to your collective and individual happiness;

that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable

attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of

it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity;

watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;

discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that

it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning

upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion

of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties

which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.

Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country

has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of

'American', which belongs to you, in your national capacity,

must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any

appelation derived from local discriminations. With slight

shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners,

habits and political principles. You have in a common cause

fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty

you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts;

of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address

themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those

which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every

portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for

carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,

protected by the equal laws of a common Government, finds in

the production of the latter, great additional resources of

maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of

manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse,

benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture

grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own

channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular

navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different

ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national

navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime

strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in

a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the

progressive improvement of interior communications, by land

and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the

commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at

home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to

its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater

consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of

indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight,

influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic

side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of

interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West

can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its

own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural

connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and

particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail

to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength,

greater resource, proportionably greater security from external

danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign

nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive

from union an exemption from those broils and wars between

themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries,

not tied together by the same government; which their own

rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which

opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would

stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the

necessity of those overgrown military establishments which,

under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty and

which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican

liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be

considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love

of the one ought to endear you to the preservation of the other.

. . .

Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large

a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation

in such a case were criminal. It is well worth a fair and full

experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union

affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not

have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be

reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter

may endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it

occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should

have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical

discriminations: Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western;

whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there

is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the

expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular

districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other

districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the

jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these

misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other

those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.

. . .

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Government for

the whole is indispensable. No alliances however strict between

the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably

experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances

in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth,

you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a

Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former

for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your

common concerns. This Government, the offspring of your own choice

uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and

mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the

distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and

containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has

a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for

its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its

measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of

true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right

of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of

government. But the constitution which at any time exists till

changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people

is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and

the right of the people to establish government presupposes the

duty of every individual to obey the established government.

. . .

Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of

your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you

steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged

authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of

innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.

One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the

Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the

system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.

In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time

and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of

governments as of other human institutions; that experience is

the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the

existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes

upon the crdit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to

perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and

opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient

management of your common interests in a country so extensive

as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with

the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty

itself will find in such a government, with powers properly

distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed,

little else than a name where the government is too feeble

to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each

member of the society within the limits prescribed by the

laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil

enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the

State, with particular reference to the founding of them on

geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more

comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner

against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,

having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.

It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or

less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the

popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly

their worst enemy.

. . .

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble

the public administration. It agitates the community with

illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity

of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and

insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and

corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government

itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy

and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and

will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful

checks upon the administration of government, and serve to keep

alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is

probably true; and in governments of a monarchial cast

patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon

the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in

governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.

From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be

enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there

being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force

of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be

quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting

into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a

free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with

its administration to confine themselves within their

respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise

of the powers of one department to encroach upon another.

The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers

of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever

the form of government, a real despotism.

. . .

If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification

of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it

be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution

designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though

this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the

customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The

precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any

partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political

prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.

In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who

should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness

- these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The

mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect

and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their

connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply

be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation,

for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the

oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of

justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that

morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be

conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of

peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to

expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion

of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary

spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more

or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a

sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to

shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object

of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of

knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives

force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion

should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish

public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as

sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by

cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely

disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent

much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise

the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of

expense, but by exertions in time of peace to discharge the

debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously

throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves

ought to bear.

. . .

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate

peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this

conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin

it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant

period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too

novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and

benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things

the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary

advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can

it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity

of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is

recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature.

Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than

that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular

nations and passionate attachments for others should be

excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings

toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges

toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is

in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to

its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray

from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against

another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury,

to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and

intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another

produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,

facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in

cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into

one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a

participation in the quarrles and wars of the latter without

adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to

concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to

others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the

concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have

been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a

disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal

privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious,

corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the

favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests

of their own country without odium, sometimes even with

popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense

of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion,

or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish

compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

. . .

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you

to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people

ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove

that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of

republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must

be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence

to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive

partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of

another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one

side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence

on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the

favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its

tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people

to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations

is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as

little political connection as possible. So far as we have

already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect

good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a

very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent

controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to

our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to

implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary

vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations

and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to

pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an

efficient government, the period is not far off when we may

defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take

such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any

time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when beligerent

nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon

us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we

may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,

shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit

our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our

destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and

prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,

interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with

any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now

at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of

patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim

no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty

is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those

engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion

it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments

on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to

temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended

by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial

policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking

nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the

natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle

means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing

with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course,

to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the

Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse,

the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will

permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time

abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall

dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one

nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it

must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may

accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may

place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for

nominal favors, and yet being reproached with ingratitude for

not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect

or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an

illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought

to discard.

. . .

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am

unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too

sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have

committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently

beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which

they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my

country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and

that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service

with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will

be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the

mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and

actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural

to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his

progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing

expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize

without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst

of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under

a free government - the ever-favorite object of my heart, and

the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors

and dangers.

Geo. Washington.