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The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's

seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823:

. . . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made

through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power

and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the

United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation

the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the

northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been

made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,

which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United

States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting

the great value which they have invariably attached to the

friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the

best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to

which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by

which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for

asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of

the United States are involved, that the American continents, by

the free and independent condition which they have assumed and

maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for

future colonization by any European powers. . .

It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great

effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the

condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared

to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely

be remarked that the results have been so far very different from

what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe,

with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive

our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators.

The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most

friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men

on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers

in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part,

nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our

rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries

or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this

hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by

causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial

observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially

different in this respect from that of America. This difference

proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments;

and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss

of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their

most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled

felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore,

to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United

States and those powers to declare that we should consider any

attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of

this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the

existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have

not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments

who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose

independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles,

acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of

oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny,

by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation

of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war

between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality

at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered,

and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur

which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of this

Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of

the United States indispensable to their security.

The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still

unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced

than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on

any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by

force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such

interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question

in which all independent powers whose governments differ from

theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none

of them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to

Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have

so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains

the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of

any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the

legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations

with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and

manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every

power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those

continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different.

It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their

political system to any portion of either continent without

endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that

our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of

their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we

should behold such interposition in any form with indifference.

If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and

those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must

be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true

policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves,

in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .

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